Assessment of the situation of HRDs and their enabling environment
The NIHRC assesses the situation of HRD and their enabling environment as being restricted.
Control by paramilitary groups
Paramilitary groups continue to exist and exert coercive control over some communities in Northern Ireland. In 2025, the Independent Reporting Commission reported: “This coercive control can take many forms, including intimidation, financial extortion, sexual exploitation, creating communities where people are afraid to speak out, and stifling alternative voices and leadership”. Paramilitary flags, murals and graffiti are frequently displayed in public areas to intimidate and demarcate territory. In addition, there are often targeted, sectarian-motivated attacks on local businesses, homes and, on one occasion in 2025, a nursery school.
Use of traditional local names and street signs
Despite commitments in the Belfast (Good Friday) Agreement, the use of traditional local names and street signs in a minority language remains a contested issue across Northern Ireland. Examples of bilingual street and road signs being defaced and vandalised continue to be commonplace and often reported in the local press. In 2025, loyalist paramilitary organisations threatened to burn Belfast council facilities following a Council decision relating to dual signage at facilities and bilingual logos on uniforms and vehicles. A judicial review was taken against a Minister for a decision to put up bilingual signage at Belfast’s new Grand Central train station.
Hate motivated incidents and crimes
In 2024/2025, there were 3,297 recorded hate motivated incidents and 2,135 recorded hate crimes, an increase from 3,070 recorded hate motivated incidents and 1,956 hate motivated crimes in 2023/2024. In 2024/25, the number of racist hate crimes and incidents reached their highest levels since recording began in 2004/2005. Reports of ‘organised’ hate crimes in Northern Ireland, particularly racist hate crimes continued. This included a period of sustained racially motivated disorder in Ballymena in June 2025, where masked groups targeted the properties and businesses of minority ethnic people with petrol bombs and masonry. In July 2025, a bonfire in County Tyrone was set alight with a boat containing effigies of migrants on top of it, alongside a banner displaying the anti-immigration slogan, ‘Stop the Boats’.
This series of high-profile racist attacks have left many migrant and minority ethnic families in Northern Ireland fearful of public spaces. Some families reported feeling too frightened to remain in Northern Ireland and the number of children missing school in the wake of these incidents increased due to safety concerns.
Threats or attacks on journalists
Between 2019 and 2025, there were over 70 incidents of threats or attacks on journalists and “there have been no prosecutions related to threats to journalists from paramilitaries, which make up the majority of such threats”. Consequently, Amnesty International states that “Northern Ireland is the most dangerous place in the UK to work as a journalist”.
In 2025, the Law Society of Northern Ireland established a Solicitor Safety Group in response to incidents of harassment, threats, and intimidation directed at its members while carrying out their professional duties. Barristers and lawyers across the UK published a joint statement to reiterate concerns about the growing hostility, noting that “[b]arristers, solicitors and judges have been subjected to violence, death threats and rape threats. Some have faced threats to their family members”.
Structural challenges for CSOs and HRDs
Barriers in access to law/ policy making and meaningful public consultation
Civil society organisations also experience challenges and barriers in relation to public consultation processes. While public consultations are routinely conducted across all NI Executive Departments, there are ongoing issues regarding resource-intensive consultation processes where outcomes can be significantly delayed (potentially resulting in outdated information) and/or final strategies that do not adequately reflect stakeholder views (explanations typically cite resource constraints).
For example, in 2025, civil society groups expressed significant disappointment with the long-awaited draft Anti-Poverty Strategy, which did not contain measurable targets, a commitment to resourcing or many actions identified as necessary by civil society organisations engaged throughout the process.
The NIHRC’s Annual Statement 2025 highlights a number of strategies that have undergone significant consultation but remain outstanding (not exhaustive): the Gender Equality Strategy; the LGBTQI+ Strategy; the Traveller Child in Education Framework; and the Supporting Newcomer Pupils policy.
Lack of adequate funding for CSOs and HRDs
Civil society organisations in Northern Ireland are experiencing a severe funding crisis that threatens the sustainability of frontline services. In December 2025, the sector was notified of a 64% cut to community-based support funding as the UK government transitions from the Shared Prosperity Fund to the Local Growth Fund. The Northern Ireland Affairs Committee wrote to the UK Government to warn that the cut will mean thousands of people missing out on employment support services and hundreds of job cuts in the voluntary and community sector. The Chair of the Committee further warns that the loss of these programmes and services “will have knock on effects on health, employment and crime rates that could be felt far into the future”.
The NIHRC is aware that the Home Office has confirmed it will end grant funding for organisations supporting EU citizens and their families engaging with the EU Settlement Scheme (EUSS) from 31 March 2026. In announcing the funding cut, the Home Office cited reduced application volumes, simplified processes for converting pre-settled to settled status and automated extensions for pre-settled status.
However, the Independent Monitoring Authority (IMA) which monitors the implementation by UK public bodies of EU citizens’ rights has verified that Northern Ireland has a significantly higher level of unsuccessful EUSS applications than other UK nations and that the majority of these refusals have been for Romanians and Bulgarians. Roma living in Northern Ireland come primarily from these two countries.
The Commission is aware of concerns within civil society organisations, that are already significantly under resourced to provide specialist immigration advice, that Roma communities in Northern Ireland are disproportionately affected by the funding cut as they require significant support in engaging with the scheme and are vulnerable to exploitation of rogue street advisors. Support groups have highlighted that the detrimental consequences for Roma who apply late and/or who have their application refused, and specifically for the most vulnerable (i.e. women and those with diminished mental capacity or mental health difficulties within the Roma communities), is further complicated in Northern Ireland versus the rest of the UK because of the open land border with Ireland.
Laws and/or policies which negatively impact on right to association or assembly and to protest
In 2025, research conducted by Rights & Security International found “excessive ‘security’-focused treatment of the right to protest” in Northern Ireland, which may have a “discouraging or ‘chilling’ effect”. It found instances where people avoided staging peaceful protests that they would have had a human right to hold. The report concludes that “the policing of protests in Northern Ireland systematically breaches the European Convention on Human Rights, particularly the Article 11 right to freedom of assembly”. It contends that “these breaches are so serious and systemic that would-be protesters could and should challenge them in court”.
Threats to CSOs and HRDs
Verbal attacks on CSOs and/or HRDs
As noted above, non-state actors continue to intimidate, threaten and exert coercive control over communities in Northern Ireland. Between 2019 and 2025, there were over 70 incidents of threats or attacks on journalists and “there have been no prosecutions related to threats to journalists from paramilitaries, which make up the majority of such threats”.
Surveillance by state actors
In terms of state surveillance, an independent review (the McCullough Review) into the use of surveillance by the Police Service of Northern Ireland on journalists, lawyers, non-governmental organisations, NI Policing Board and Police Ombudsman of Northern Ireland found “various concerns in relation to some specific authorisations as well as some inconsistencies in standards of processing, record-keeping and management of confidential or privileged information unexpectedly obtained from Covert Human Intelligence Sources”. However, the independent review “found no basis for concerns that the Police Service of Northern Ireland surveillance of journalists or lawyers is widespread or systemic”.
In relation to the Police Service of Northern Ireland’s monitoring of journalists Barry McCaffery and Trevor Birney’s, the Investigatory Powers Commissioner, Brian Leveson, raised concerns that his inspectors were not being notified of covert activity conducted against journalists in Northern Ireland, particularly activity that had the intention of identifying a journalistic source. The Chief Constable confirmed that “no reason or record can be located to explain why this was not highlighted to the Investigatory Powers Commissioner as intended”. The Chief Constable also provided assurances that the Police Service of Northern Ireland’s central record of surveillance authorisations had “been enhanced to prevent this occurring again”.
In 2025, the MI5 admitted unlawfully obtaining communications data from journalist Vincent Kearney’s phone on two occasions in 2006 and 2009. Vincent Kearney is pursuing legal inquiries to “establish as much detail as possible about the nature of the two instances of unlawful intrusion, and whether MI5 was responsible for anymore”. The McCullough Review did not cover the covert surveillance activities of the MI5 in Northern Ireland. Human rights organisations Amnesty International and the Committee on Administration of Justice have written to the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland to ask him to establish a public inquiry into covert surveillance in Northern Ireland by MI5 and the establishment of the Covert Commissioner for Law Enforcement for Northern Ireland.
Strategic Lawsuits Against Public Participation
In 2024, the Department of Finance reviewed the operation of the Defamation (Northern Ireland) Act 2022, however no amendments were recommended as there had been too few defamation cases taken under the Act for its effects to be properly assessed. During the review, the NIHRC raised concerns that the Act does not include a specific provision to address Strategic Lawsuits Against Public Participation. The Department of Finance intends to further monitor defamation law in Northern Ireland, including whether specific measures for Strategic Lawsuits Against Public Participation may be required.